This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.
China, libraries & human rights. Focus on International & Comparative Librarianship 1997, 28(3), 155-165
Printer friendly versionI was invited to give this paper at the Library Associations Umbrella 4 Conference, Manchester, June 1997. The purpose of this paper was not purely academic but to initiate debate. This is it did to a greater degree than I had expected - unfortunately the ensuing discussion was not recorded but I hope its publication will promote further thought and discussion. For another angle on this area see John Pateman's article "Breaking the Information Blockade " (an abridged version of which appears in Focus, 1997 28(2)114-117) - much of which I am in agreement - and my article, "Barriers to technical solutions: institutional, policy and legal barriers to information access. Information Development 1996 12(3), 149-154".
CHINA, LIBRARIES & HUMAN RIGHTS
Given the topic of this paper, my first step will be to define human rights. I will use the most generally accepted definitions and descriptions, that of United Nations instruments. A UNHCHR list of International Human Rights Declarations and Conventions runs to 3.5 pages (http://www.unhcr.ch/html/intlinst.htm) - I will focus on two, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights & the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights - both derived from the UN Declaration of Human Rights. A word of warning, these Declarations are not universally accepted - in fact the Chinese government is not a signatory of either Covenant and personally I actually have disagreements with the very concept of "rights" (more of this later).
Before I start, I must emphasise that I do not consider any state to be perfect in matters of "human rights", whether social or economic (1). My remit however is China, so I must concentrate my critique there.
What is China's record? The Chinese governments response to trade union activists, independent writers & journalists, ethnic/cultural/nationalist movements are well documented. There are other, more comprehensive sources available (2) so I will just illustrate certain aspects - concentrating on information access & dissemination.
17/4/94 - Star TV drops BBC news broadcasts to China after pressure from the Chinese government. Reception of satellite TV programmes requires government permission(3).
16/1/96 - Chinese State Council requires foreign news agencies to submit to regulation by the official Chinese news agency and forbids Chinese agencies from purchasing economic information directly from overseas(4).
11/10/96 - Novelist and screenwriter Wang Shuo's publishing house was ordered to stop printing his 'vulgar and reactionary' collected works(5).
November 1996 - a state ideological departments announced a quota for the closure of one third of China's provincial and municipal newspapers, periodicals(6).
June 97 - "'Some (internet) address are being filtered, so you are not allowed to enter' the Chinese Internet official said. 'They have too much news and (could) have an influence on things in China'"; Chinese who attempted to access on site on the anniversary of Tiananmen could only access 'Forbidden'(7).
The Chinese government sees the increase in information revolution as a threat. The increase in cross border data flows, wither by fax or internet, not only enable economic growth but bring with it dominant international, mainly US, values. The Chinese Communist Party attempts to control access to decision making via 'nei-pu' or internal documents, with limited circulation. While this is true of all information within Leninist parties (and many right wing parties & most governments), this shows the danger when the state and the party are confused. Even retired cadres try and retain access to such documents in order to stay informed. (8)
How can libraries enable people regarding human rights? Mainly by providing access to information that will allow them to make informed decisions. This could be current affairs / social science information for social rights or economic, scientific & technical information for economic advancement (ie. poverty alleviation). Rather than trying to cover all Chinese libraries I will tend to concentrate on those libraries to which all ostensibly have access - public libraries.
In 1994 China had 2,596 public libraries with 0.323 billion books & 45,000 staff members(9). In 1986 this meant of China's 1 billion population only 570,000 had access to a public library(10). In 1984 there were 0.25 public library books per person (compared to 130 university books per student)(11). 1996 figures indicate that there is one library per 0.44 million people (12). Attempts are being made to improve this situation:- In 1994 public libraries, at or above the county level, set up 17788 service points for circulating books(13); in 1989 200+ childrens libraries or reading rooms were set up in Beijing(14); traveling libraries are being promoted, currently 160 are in existence(15).However, this real situation is worse given that information resources decline from the developed East to the poor West of China(16), though attempts are being made here also, with 425 ethnic libraries including 5 national minorities autonomous regional libraries. So even before I address the restrictions placed on Chinese libraries, the paucity of access limits their role.
What is the remit of Chinese public libraries? "The main tasks and functions of Shanghai library are publicizing Marxism - Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, as well as lines, general and specific policies put forward by the party and the state, carrying out situational education concerning patriotism, socialism and our motherland, disseminating scientific information"(17). And what of the professional staff? In 1987 a document promulgated by four Ministries and Committees, including the Propaganda Department of the Central Party Committee, clarified the adoption of the "Director Responsibility System and set out the responsibilities of the chief librarians as follows: seriously implement the guidelines and policies of the Party as well as relevant laws and guidelines of competent authorities.....give full play of the roles of the Party, the trade union and the youth league"(18). "The objectives of CSLS (China Society for Library Science), from its inception, have been to organize all members and unite the mass of librarians to adhere to guidelines and policies of the Central Communist Party and the State"(19).
Even if librarians wish to go beyond the above - what problems do they face? Regarding acquisitions, I have been unable to find references to what is permissible and what is not; so I will infer from the situation with respect to publishing. According to Liu Jernow(20), there is no formal policy of permitted or forbidden literature - just unwritten boundaries. Going over these boundaries one can be punished and even disappear. These boundaries can also change with the political climate - not an easy road! Further evidence for this informal system comes from Hong Kong librarians (21), when asked if they would obey a direct request to remove a book from the shelves , the response was that such a request would not be made, the book would simply disappear and if the librarian made a fuss this would affect their careers or even lose them their jobs. The Chinese authorities also distinguish between provision of libraries and provision of information & only some type of information are allowed free dissemination. 'Neibu' (inside) information includes "objective" current affairs, foreign literature, "illegal" Chinese literature (22). This distinction carries through to library stock. Scientific & technical "information" is no problem for libraries - there are State bodies specifically to promote the dissemination (and historically the copying of) this material. The funding for such material is also much better than for social sciences(23) and public libraries devote much time and effort to economic and scientific document delivery. This is at a time when the funding from the government for public libraries in general is not enough to meet the needs of users(24).
Even if material is held in a public library, how do users fare gaining access to it? While open access shelving has been put forward as a method to increase the cost efficiency of libraries (25) it is still a minority of libraries that have this facility, although newer libraries are moving in this direction. Why is open access important? China has historically seen the library as storage space for 'cultural relics' as opposed to a source of useful information for the public - so staff "could not imagine anyone would be foolish enough to come into the library to ask questions "(26). Besides this, asking for material that the state deemed unsuitable "the common wisdom was that it could be downright dangerous "(27). While these last two quotes are from Tibet, I would argue that given the nationalist sentiments in Tibet this means that people there are confronted with these problems more immediately.
Further restrictions on access occur due to charging for information; for example, while many in the West have focused on China's restrictive practice regarding what information may be access on the internet, little regard has been paid to the cost of access for individuals. Given the paucity of telephone access in China (23 phone lines per 1,000 people (28)), internet access will be public libraries, such as in Tianjin. However - as for SDI services(29) - this is charged for at a price beyond most locals means(30).Also, many public libraries are becoming subscription libraries, again restricting access(31). Even the China Society for Library Science's research topics for basic library science are now focusing on markets and the library(32).
Another, more fundamental restriction, on access to public services is the "hukou " system of household residency registration. While this has been relaxed to allow newly redundant rural workers to gain temporary residency in urban areas, they must still retain their "rural affiliations", denying them access to state welfare benefits (I was not able to discover wither this included access to state facilities such as public libraries). This is conditional on them obtaining non agricultural work and secured accommodation, leading many rural-urban migrants not to register - meaning that they may be denied access to any state facilities - including public libraries. In line with the commercialisation and marketization of Chinese life, residency and other permits are available on the flourishing urban black markets, if one can afford them(33).
This question of rural-urban migration leads me on to the question of information needs and provision in rural China. With a 1/5th of the worlds population and 1 1/15th of its land mass, agriculture is a major issue for China. A large proportion of the population earn a living from agriculture with traditional production methods predominating. The rural economy is thus underdeveloped, a large percentage of the population being semi literate or illiterate, agricultural education inadequate and qualified personnel in short supply (34). The demand in these areas is mainly for economic, scientific and technical information in order for farmers to earn their way out of poverty(35), ie. access to information to enable their economic human rights. China is attempting to meet this demand in various ways. Information is collected, collated and published on production techniques of planting and breeding (36). This is disseminated in various ways: village reading rooms borrow from animal husbandry departments of urban district libraries and teach peasants using blackboard newspapers and compiled materials(37); agricultural libraries and information institutions establish agricultural information networks, publish network journals and provide other information services (38); provide services for agricultural extension projects (39); provide clipping services and information reference services via oral, written & telephone forms, carry out SDI services and public lectures (40). Rural libraries can act as rural information exchanges (41).
Budget constraints inevitably also operate here. There are problems satisfying the largest user group - the farmers. Research & university libraries close their doors to the public (42) and Although the village reading rooms and technical extension stations disseminate information in these areas, it is still inadequate (43). Often information is only provided to members of agricultural networks (44), collective funded libraries are only open to members with market orientated libraries charging for services (45). With China's reform economy and local officials blocking access to inter-regional trade, the rural rich are getting richer while the poor remain poor (46). Thus access to information enabling the poor to alleviate their position is by definition out of reach. As rural areas develop, albeit inequitably, there is a rise in rural libraries (47). Concomitant with this an increase in wealth comes an increased interest in "cultural" consumption (48); ie. people start to look beyond immediate rights such as economic well being to other their social & political situation. Then we are back to the issues raised earlier.
The picture I have painted is bleak - and I believe it is. In China there is the worst of 3 worlds: a poor developing country with limited funds to provide true access to information; a move towards a Capitalist economy via privatisation and commercialisation thus favouring information access for the wealthy and denying it to the poor; a single hierarchical one party state denying free access to information in order to remain in power.
I reject the concept of non individualistic 'Asian values', a la Tung Chee -hwa (Hong Kongs new first chief executive), advanced to justify denial of freedom of expression. Democracy (in its real sense) is hardly individualistic, besides - how can anyone make an informed decision on how they wish to rule (or be ruled) if they do not have free access to information? (My thanks to Ronald Dworkin (49)).
This issue became clear to me on reading the Guest Lecture by Marianna Choldin, at the IFLA General Conference in Beijing(50). This lecture was specifically related to IFLA's recently initiated Committee on Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (CAIFE). While the paper starts out from the position of endorsing "the fundamental principle of access to information and freedom of expression" (p84), it then raises, and often endorses, ideas contrary to this.
"I have come to the conclusion that there must be a universal human instinct to censor" (p85); I do not believe that there is biological basis for censorship, nor for freedom of expression - these are historical, cultural, ie. social constructs.
"We need to recognise the very real tensions that may exist between cultural and societal standards and traditions in a given country and a commitment to universal human rights"(p86); while this recognises the social basis for these issues, it imputes a single cultural and societal standard, not recognising that the governing and governed may have very different views on these topics. This is reinforced by the comment "I want to stress that I do not believe in any country's model "(p87); a country is comprised of many values, and the model referred to is usually the state's model.
"We must establish mutual trust and respect "(p86); just because people are fellow librarians, this does not mean that they accept what I consider fundamental human rights, let alone that I should trust and respect them. It is also stated that librarians should not initiate actions without an invitation from librarians within a country. This becomes important when deciding how to view the demands and wishes of the people of a country. It may be impossible for a principled librarian to carry out their job in a country, leaving only the unprincipled; it may only be possible to communicate with "leading librarians " in a country whose interest usually do not coincide with ordinary librarians or users. Does that mean outside professional bodies bow to the judgement of those librarians they can reach as to action regarding that country? Or should they refer to other bodies representing users? While IFLA, being an organisation representing national organisations, may need to tread carefully in order to keep certain countries as members, this should not be justified by watering down principles. If need be, it would be preferable to leave such issues to national professional bodies or even non librarian bodies such as PEN and Article 19.
References
1. Perkins, M. Barriers to technical solutions: institutional, policy and legal barriers to information access. Information Development 1996 12(3), 149-154
2. Amnesty International. China: human rights violations summary of recent incidents. [WWW document] http://www.oneworld.org/amnesty/ai_china_sept18.html (25/3/97)
Human Rights in China, Human Rights Watch/Asia. Leaking state secrets: the case of Gao Yu. 1995. [gopher document] gopher://gopher.igc.apc.org:5000/00/nat/hric/reports/7 (25/3/97)
3. Yu Xu. Dilemma in information management: Star TV and Beijing's control of satellite broadcasting. Issues and Studies 1995 31(5)49-63
4. International Press Institute. Government edict to hinder free flow of information. IFEX Action Alert. 1996. [WWW document] http://www.ifex.org/alert/00001129.html (5/6/97)
5. Index on Censorhip. China. Index Index: The Global censorhip chronicle. [WWW document] http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/ii/iic.html (27/3/97)
6. Ibid
7. Savadore, B. Prodigy says China internet service to start soon. [WWW document] http://www.yahoo.com/headlines/970606/tech/stories/prodigy_1.html [John Walker email list message] GKD97@tristram.edc.org (7/6/97)
8. Gong, G.W. Comprehensive security in the information age: Internal factors of "peaceful evolution and "non-peaceful evolution " in mainland China. Issues and Studies 1993 29(14)1-17, p3
9. Wu Weici et al. The vigourous advancement of libraries in China. Beijing, China: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1996. p2
10. Ellis, R. The role of the academic library in the People's Republic of China. College & Research Libraries 1990 51(4)329-343, p339
11. Ibid
12. Bo Ruoshi. Ponderation over developing rural libraries in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 8, Paper no. 164-RA-3-E, 27-31pp; p28
13. Liu Xiaoqin. Public libraries and economic development in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no. 030-GENPUB-2- E, 5-11pp; p5
14. Zheng Lili. Status quo and prospects of the children's libraries in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no. 110- CHILD-1-E, 73-79pp; p74
15. Liu Bao. The travelling library in Harbin. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no. 138-MOBILE-1-E, 90-95pp; p90
16. Wu Weici et al. The vigourous advancement of libraries in China. Beijing, China: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1996. p27
17. Wang Lili. The establishment and development of the three-level network of modern Shanghai public libraries. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no. 003-PUB-1-E, 35-46pp; p37
18. Wu Weici et al. The vigourous advancement of libraries in China. Beijing, China: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1996. p55
19. The Compilation Group of "the General Survey of the China Society for Library Science ". The General Survey of the China Society for Library Science. Beijing, China: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1996. p1
20. Liu Jernow A. Don't force us to lie. New York, USA: Committee to Protect Journalists, 1993. [Quoted in Turfan B. Ed. Emerging democracies and freedom of information. London, UK: Library Association Publishing, 1995. p43]
21. Storey, C. Riding the tiger - Hong Kong librarians and the impact of 1997. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science 1993 25(1)23-32; p31
22. Ibid, p27
23. Ibid, p28
24. He Qin, Ma Jin. Future chinese librarians and their training. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 0, Paper no. 117-CONTR-9- E, 7-11pp; p7
25. Gao Jisheng. The development of Chinese modern library. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 6, Paper no. 013-Build-1-E, 1-9pp; p3
26. Hutton, C. High altitude librarianship: the adventures of an ALA library fellow in Tibet. Library and Information Technology Journal April 1997, 30-33pp; p32
27. Ibid
28. Spy Research. World Link: The network society map. (1996). [WWW document] http://www.spy.co.uk/research/worldlink/ [10/6/97]
29. Liu Xiaoqin. Public libraries and economic development in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no. 030-GENPUB- 2-E; 5-11pp; p6
30. Personal visit to Tianjin Public Library - 23rd August 1996. Organised by IFLA International Pre-Conference Seminar on Copyright, 21-24 August 1996, Tianjin, China.
31. Storey, C. Riding the tiger - Hong Kong librarians and the impact of 1997. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science 1993 25(1)23-32
32. The Compilation Group of "the General Survey of the China Society for Library Science ". The General Survey of the China Society for Library Science. Beijing, China: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1996. p14
33. Kam Wing Chan. Post-Mao China: a two class urban society in the making. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 1996 20(1)134-150; 137/8
34. Qiaoqiao Zhang. Agricultural library and information systems in China. Journal of Information Science 1991 17(4)235-245; p235
35. Lu Zibo, Wang Xuexi, Xu Jianye. The relationship between rural development and library and information science. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Paper no 190-RA-5-E, 16p; p4
36. Liu Xiaoqin. Public libraries and economic development in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 3, Paper no 030-GENPUB-2- E, 5-11pp; p5
37. Bo Ruoshi. Ponderation over developing rural libraries in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 8, Paper no 163-RA-3-E, 27- 31pp, p29
38. Zhao Huaying. The effect and experience of chinese libraries in the service for agricultural development. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 2, Paper no. 163-BIOL-8-E, 52-58pp; p55
39. Ibid, p56
40. Lu Zibo, Wang Xuexi, Xu Jianye. The relationship between rural development and library and information science. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Paper no 190-RA-5-E, 16p; p10-11
41. ibid, p11
42. Qiaoqiao Zhang. Agricultural library and information systems in China. Journal of Information Science 1991 17(4)235-245; p236
43. Ibid; p237
44. Zhao Huaying. The effect and experience of chinese libraries in the service for agricultural development. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 2, Paper no. 163-BIOL-8-E, 52-58pp; p55/56
45. Bo Ruoshi. Ponderation over developing rural libraries in China. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 8, Paper no. 164-RA-3-E, 27-31pp; p29
46. Rozelle, S. Rural industrialization and increasing inequality: emerging patterns in China's reforming economy. Journal of Comparative Economics 1994 19(3)362-391; p367/368
47. Lu Zibo, Wang Xuexi, Xu Jianye. The relationship between rural development and library and information science. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Paper no 190-RA-5-E, 16p; p2
48. Ibid; p5
49. Dworkin, R. Forked tongues, faked doctrines. [WWW document] http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/dworkin.html (4/6/97)
50. Choldin, M.T. Beginning a conversation on access to information and freedom of expression. 62nd IFLA General Conference 25-31 August 1996, Beijing, China. Booklet 0, Paper no 125 GUEST-1-E, 83-88pp.